Tracking mass layoff and plant closure notices filed under the WARN Act in Iowa, updated daily. Explore the interactive data →
Workers affected by industry sector
Workers affected by notice type
Monthly WARN notices and workers affected
| Company | City | Employees | Notice Date | Type |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Wells Fargo | 0 | 2026-02-03 | ||
| Wells Fargo | West Des Moines | 49 | 2026-02-03 | Layoff |
| American Contract Systems | Grimes | 47 | 2026-01-27 | Closure |
| MercyOne Des Moines Medical Center | Des Moines | 67 | 2026-01-26 | Layoff |
| MercyOne North Iowa Medical Center | Mason City | 34 | 2026-01-26 | Layoff |
| MercyOne | Ottumwa | 40 | 2026-01-23 | Closure |
| Collis, LLC | Clinton | 51 | 2026-01-20 | Layoff |
| Wells Fargo | West Des Moines | 33 | 2026-01-20 | Layoff |
| CNH Industrial America LLC | Burlington | 24 | 2026-01-20 | Closure |
| CNH Industrial America LLC | Burlington | 42 | 2026-01-20 | Closure |
| CNH Industrial America LLC | Burlington | 16 | 2026-01-20 | Closure |
| CNH Industrial America LLC | Burlington | 21 | 2026-01-20 | Closure |
| CNH Industrial America LLC | Burlington | 9 | 2026-01-20 | Closure |
| CNH Industrial America LLC | Burlington | 18 | 2026-01-20 | Closure |
| CNH Industrial America LLC | Burlington | 52 | 2026-01-20 | Closure |
| CNH Industrial America LLC | Burlington | 4 | 2026-01-20 | Closure |
| CNH Industrial America LLC | Burlington | 7 | 2026-01-20 | Closure |
| Solgen Power | Ankeny | 29 | 2025-12-23 | |
| Integrated DNA Technologies | 0 | 2025-12-12 | ||
| Continental Manufacturing Chemist | 0 | 2025-12-12 |
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# Iowa's Layoff Crisis: An Economic Analysis
Iowa faces a significant and accelerating workforce disruption. Between 2005 and early 2026, the state recorded 1,571 WARN Act notices affecting 86,928 workers—a figure that understates the true economic impact when accounting for indirect job losses in supplier networks, service sectors, and dependent businesses. The trajectory is particularly alarming: 2025 alone generated 224 notices displacing 7,828 workers, representing the highest annual volume in the dataset and a 28 percent increase over 2024's already-elevated 175 notices. This upward trend contradicts assumptions of stabilization following pandemic disruptions and instead suggests structural vulnerabilities embedded in Iowa's economic base.
The distribution of these losses reveals a state economy increasingly bifurcated between major financial and manufacturing hubs experiencing repeated waves of consolidation and automation, while smaller communities face closure-driven devastation. The concentration of layoffs in Des Moines (144 notices, 6,504 workers), Cedar Rapids (102 notices, 6,648 workers), and West Des Moines (105 notices, 4,406 workers) masks the proportional damage inflicted on mid-sized cities like Waterloo, Dubuque, and West Burlington, where single major employer closures or reductions can eliminate a substantial percentage of the local employment base.
Manufacturing dominates Iowa's WARN notice landscape, accounting for 163 notices and 11,521 workers—13 percent of all affected workers despite representing just one-third of total notices. This concentration reflects the industry's capital intensity, cyclical vulnerability, and ongoing technological disruption rather than uniform decline. The sector's complexity demands differentiated analysis rather than a single explanatory narrative.
Agricultural equipment manufacturing, Iowa's signature industrial subsector, exemplifies this complexity. John Deere, CNH Industrial America LLC, and related suppliers have filed 30 combined notices affecting approximately 3,066 workers. Yet the notices are not clustered in a single catastrophic wave but rather distributed across years, suggesting ongoing operational optimization rather than panic-driven restructuring. John Deere Waterloo Works alone generated nine notices for 2,027 workers, indicating facility-level consolidation tied to global production efficiency rather than sector-wide collapse. Agricultural equipment demand remains dependent on commodity prices, agricultural income, and export conditions—factors that create episodic volatility rather than steady deterioration.
Home products manufacturing, represented by Winnebago Industries (23 notices, 859 workers) and Electrolux Home Products, Inc (22 notices, 88 workers), reflects cyclical sensitivity to housing market conditions and consumer durables demand. These companies' multiple notices suggest they've used WARN filings as tactical workforce management tools during demand downturns rather than existential crisis responses. Conversely, Modine Manufacturing (13 notices, 200 workers) and Eaton Corporation (14 notices, 1,139 workers)—manufacturers of specialized industrial components—show smaller individual notices but repeated filings, consistent with just-in-time lean manufacturing that minimizes buffer stocks and workforce cushions.
The deeper structural force reshaping Iowa manufacturing is automation. Electrical equipment assembly, machinery manufacturing, and component fabrication increasingly require fewer direct production workers per unit of output. Robotic welding, computer numerical control machining, and automated assembly have compressed the employment multiplier across the sector. Simultaneously, global supply chain integration has made Iowa's higher labor costs vulnerable to competition from lower-wage jurisdictions. Unlike the 1980s deindustrialization wave that involved explicit offshoring decisions, contemporary manufacturing job losses often reflect domestic productivity improvements that displace workers even as production volumes remain stable or grow.
Finance & Insurance represents the second-largest concentration, with 74 notices affecting 2,226 workers. Wells Fargo dominates this category with 131 notices and 2,743 workers—nearly the total employment impact of all other financial institutions combined. Wells Fargo's notice frequency is extraordinary: the bank filed a notice nearly every three weeks across the dataset period, each typically affecting 20-30 workers. This pattern reflects the systematic consolidation of back-office operations and branch network rationalization following the post-2008 financial crisis regulatory environment and digital banking's erosion of traditional branch utility. The 2016 Wells Fargo fake accounts scandal accelerated organizational restructuring and cost-cutting measures that generated the spike visible in the data.
Information & Technology services generated 56 notices affecting 2,963 workers, a surprisingly modest volume for a sector often characterized as growth-driven. This apparent paradox reflects the data's nature: WARN notices capture large, sudden displacements, not the churning of high-velocity hiring and firing typical of tech sectors. However, the presence of 56 notices indicates that Iowa's tech firms are not immune to the consolidation, automation, and offshoring pressures affecting national tech employment. The notices suggest that Iowa's IT sector, while smaller than coastal tech hubs, faces similar structural pressures around software development efficiency and cloud-based service consolidation.
Healthcare, with 81 notices and 4,413 workers, reflects a different dynamic. Unlike manufacturing, healthcare employment generally grows nationwide. Iowa healthcare notices concentrate in administrative consolidation, hospital network mergers, and rural clinic closures. Lutheran Services in Iowa filed 18 notices for 159 workers, predominantly affecting administrative and support positions in facilities where rural patient populations cannot sustain independent operations. This pattern—stable or growing clinical employment masked by administrative workforce reductions—becomes increasingly important as rural Iowa ages and younger populations migrate to urban centers.
Iowa's layoff geography is strikingly uneven, and this unevenness carries profound implications for regional economic resilience. The metro Des Moines area—Des Moines, West Des Moines, Johnston, Urbandale, and Ankeny combined—accounts for 373 notices affecting 15,152 workers, or 17 percent of the state's total. While this concentration reflects population distribution and Iowa's capital status, it also indicates that the state's largest labor market possesses sufficient economic diversity to absorb major employer disruptions without existential crisis.
Cedar Rapids and surrounding communities present a different profile. Cedar Rapids itself recorded 102 notices affecting 6,648 workers, and adjacent Waterloo generated 42 notices for 4,599 workers. These two mid-sized metros combined account for 144 notices and 11,247 workers—approaching one-third of the state's total impact despite containing perhaps 15 percent of Iowa's population. This disproportionate impact reflects both cities' historical dependence on manufacturing and agricultural equipment. When John Deere Waterloo Works adjusts production, the ripples extend across the entire metro. When regional food processing facilities consolidate, as they periodically do, an economically narrow city's employment base contracts sharply.
The severity of geographic concentration becomes apparent in smaller communities. West Burlington recorded 23 notices for 2,683 workers in a town with a 2020 census population of approximately 3,000. This means roughly 90 percent of the working-age population was directly affected by WARN-eligible layoffs during the dataset period. While some notices span multiple years, the cumulative effect is economically catastrophic for a community of that size. Even if only 30 percent of noticed workers actually separated from employment (with others reassigned), West Burlington experienced displacement affecting substantial percentages of its workforce.
Similarly, Dubuque (36 notices, 2,738 workers) and Fort Madison (19 notices, 2,080 workers) experienced layoff concentrations that, while appearing modest on a statewide dashboard, constituted severe local shocks. Fort Madison's 2,080 layoff-affected workers likely represented 25-30 percent of the city's employment base. The geographic concentration effect creates a paradox: statewide metrics appear manageable, but community-level realities involve genuine economic crisis for specific populations.
This geographic bifurcation has reinforced Iowa's metro-rural divide. Workers in Cedar Rapids and Des Moines possess alternative employment pathways, sectoral diversity, and labor market thickness that facilitate reemployment. Workers in West Burlington or Fort Madison face collapsed secondary labor markets, limited retraining infrastructure, and out-migration necessity. Regional inequality in Iowa, measured by employment stability and income growth, has almost certainly widened as layoff concentrations have deepened in mid-sized communities.
The concentration of WARN notices among a small number of employers reveals consolidation and optimization processes that transcend sectoral boundaries. Wells Fargo, Pioneer Hi-Bred International, and United States Cellular Corporation alone generated 238 notices affecting 4,108 workers. These three firms account for 15 percent of all Iowa notices and represent distinctly different consolidation drivers.
Wells Fargo's 131 notices reflect the post-2008 financial crisis regulatory environment and the acceleration of digital banking. A bank with 2,743 noticed workers across 131 separate filings is not experiencing catastrophic collapse; rather, it is managing systematic reduction of specific business lines and operational footprints. The average of 21 workers per notice suggests branch closures and back-office consolidation rather than wholesale division elimination. Wells Fargo's Iowa presence, historically massive given its regional heritage, has shrunk substantially as the bank rationalized its retail footprint and consolidated operations into fewer regional hubs. This process, while individually disruptive for affected workers, reflects ongoing structural change in banking that shows no signs of reversal.
Pioneer Hi-Bred International, a subsidiary of Corteva Agriscience, filed 78 notices for 687 workers. The notices span nearly the entire dataset period, suggesting ongoing optimization of agricultural genetics research, seed production, and distribution networks. Pioneer's layoffs reflect both the cyclical nature of agricultural commodity markets and the inexorable trend toward consolidation in seed genetics and agricultural biotechnology. The company's repeated notices indicate that it treats workforce adjustment as a continuous management function rather than a discrete crisis response.
United States Cellular Corporation generated 29 notices for 678 workers, reflecting the ongoing rationalization of regional wireless carriers as industry consolidation has reduced from five major competitors in the early 2000s to three. US Cellular's presence in Iowa, while significant, faces structural pressure from larger competitors with superior spectrum positions and capital resources. The company's layoffs likely reflect network optimization, retail footprint consolidation, and corporate overhead reduction tied to its position as the fourth-largest player in a consolidating industry.
Industrial manufacturers like ABB Inc (11 notices, 1,997 workers) and Collins Aerospace (13 notices, 466 workers) show smaller notice frequencies but substantial per-notice worker counts, indicating facility closures or major production line eliminations rather than modest workforce optimization. ABB's 1,997 workers displaced across 11 notices—averaging 181 workers per notice—suggests closure-scale events rather than gradualist adjustments.
Retail employers dominate the closure-driven notices. Younkers (11 notices, 833 workers), ShopKo (10 notices, 282 workers), Kmart (9 notices, 359 workers), Sears (9 notices, 139 workers), and David's Bridal (9 notices, 187 workers) collectively represent the structural collapse of traditional department store and specialty retail. These were not gradual operational adjustments but rather the wind-down of failing business models. ShopKo, a Midwest-anchored discount retailer, filed its notices predominantly in the mid-2010s as it contracted before eventual liquidation. Younkers, Iowa's historic department store chain, filed notices through the 2010s before its parent company ceased operations. These represent not cyclical downturns but secular decay of retail formats unable to compete with e-commerce and big-box retailers.
The year-by-year breakdown reveals a critical finding obscured by simple averages: Iowa's layoff trajectory is deteriorating, not stabilizing. The data can be parsed into distinct eras, each with different characteristics.
From 2005 through 2012, Iowa averaged approximately 32 notices and 2,993 workers annually. This period encompassed the global financial crisis and recovery, with 2009 spiking to 57 notices and 4,025 workers—the crisis-era peak—followed by a gradual decline back toward trend. This pattern, while painful for affected workers, is consistent with cyclical economic disruption. The 2009 spike reflected the recession; the subsequent decline reflected recovery.
The 2013-2015 period showed stabilization at reduced levels (55 notices in 2015 but only 19 in 2013), suggesting the economy had absorbed crisis-era dislocations and achieved a new equilibrium. However, 2016 shattered this assumption, generating 143 notices for 5,490 workers—the highest volume up to that point. This surge reflected Wells Fargo's accelerating branch consolidation following the 2016 fake accounts scandal, but also broader retail consolidation and ongoing manufacturing optimization.
Rather than declining after this spike, the subsequent period (2016-2019) maintained elevated baseline levels. 2018 generated 102 notices for 4,810 workers; 2019 produced 98 notices for 4,565 workers. The economy was operating at or near full employment during this period, yet layoff notices remained elevated, indicating that these were not cyclical unemployment events but structural workforce adjustments occurring simultaneously with labor market tightness. Companies were simultaneously hiring for some positions while downsizing others—a pattern consistent with digital transformation and automation displacing certain worker categories while creating demand for others.
The COVID-19 pandemic period (2020-2021) generated 122 combined notices for 9,342 workers. Contrary to expectations of catastrophic collapse, the notice volume during 2020 was actually lower (83 notices) than 2019 (98 notices), likely because pandemic shutdowns involved temporary furloughs and closures rather than WARN Act-eligible separations. As 2021 progressed with reopening, notices declined to 39—the lowest level since 2013. This pattern suggests that pandemic disruption operated differently than traditional recession, with businesses using furlough mechanisms rather than permanent separations.
The post-pandemic period (2022-2025) shows accelerating deterioration. 2022 generated 125 notices for 4,796 workers. 2023 produced 141 notices for 4,868 workers. 2024 reached 175 notices for 7,745 workers. 2025, with 224 notices for 7,828 workers, represents the highest annual volume in the entire dataset. This trajectory—with each year exceeding the previous in notice count—cannot be explained by cyclical recession. The economy during 2022-2024 experienced declining unemployment and nominal wage growth. Yet layoff notices accelerated, suggesting that structural forces (automation, artificial intelligence implementation, offshoring, industry consolidation, and technological disruption) are operating independently of cyclical conditions.
Iowa's economy is disproportionately exposed to the forces generating elevated layoff notices. The state's employment base remains concentrated in precisely the sectors experiencing structural disruption: agricultural equipment manufacturing, regional finance, commodity agriculture, and traditional retail.
Agricultural equipment manufacturing, Iowa's industrial cornerstone, faces long-term demand headwinds. While commodity agriculture remains capital-intensive, consolidation among farm operations has reduced equipment demand on a per-farm basis, while productivity improvements have reduced farmer demand for replacement equipment frequency. Equipment manufacturers have responded with consolidation (the number of major players has declined dramatically), automation (fewer workers per unit produced), and geographic concentration of production. Iowa's historical dominance in equipment manufacturing—a function of proximity to agricultural markets and historical clustering—no longer provides insulation against these forces.
Regional finance, historically a major Iowa employment driver, has contracted as banking consolidation, branch network rationalization, and digital banking have eliminated positions. Wells Fargo exemplifies this dynamic, but it is universal across the sector. The employment multiplier from banking—the indirect jobs created in office services, professional services, and commercial real estate—has similarly contracted.
Commodity agriculture, while providing farm employment and agricultural services jobs, increasingly employs fewer people per dollar of output as mechanization and biotechnology advancement have reduced labor requirements. The structural shifts visible in agricultural equipment manufacturing are equally visible in the farm sector itself, though these employment losses do not generate WARN notices because farms are typically family operations that shed wage employment gradually rather than through mass separations.
Traditional retail, visible in the WARN data through Younkers, ShopKo, Kmart, and Sears notices, reflects the secular collapse of retail formats that Iowa's small and mid-sized communities historically depended upon. The closure of downtown department stores and specialty retail has eliminated not just retail employment but also the economic vitality and tax base that sustained communities. The indirect employment losses from reduced retail activity extend far beyond the notices themselves.
Iowa's economy has not developed substantial presence in high-growth sectors like technology, life sciences, advanced manufacturing, or knowledge-intensive services at scales sufficient to offset manufacturing and retail decline. Des Moines has developed an insurance and financial services cluster, but this has contracted rather than expanded over the dataset period. Cedar Rapids and Iowa City possess some biotechnology and research capacity, but at insufficient scale to offset manufacturing losses. The state lacks the venture capital infrastructure, university research ecosystem, and talent attraction mechanisms that have driven growth in other Midwest metros.
The acceleration of layoff notices in 2024-2025, occurring amid low cyclical unemployment, indicates that Iowa faces persistent structural headwinds rather than temporary cyclical disruption. Workers displaced by automation, offshoring, and industry consolidation face limited regional alternatives for comparable-wage employment. Geographic concentration of displacement in smaller communities exacerbates the challenge, as out-migration becomes the only viable reemployment pathway for many affected workers.
Policy implications are substantial. Workforce retraining programs require dramatically expanded funding and revised curriculum toward sectors with genuine regional demand rather than aspirational sectors without local labor markets. Community economic development must move beyond recruitment of existing manufacturers (a strategy with diminishing returns given industry consolidation) toward development of locally-rooted service sectors and place-based entrepreneurship. Education systems require reorientation toward skills with genuine regional demand and geographic flexibility.
For workers currently employed in Iowa's vulnerable sectors, the trajectory visible in the WARN data should inform career planning. Agricultural equipment manufacturing and regional banking both show sustained displacement despite decades of individual company profitability. Workers in these sectors should proactively develop transferable skills and geographic flexibility. For job seekers, Iowa's geographic bifurcation means that metro Des Moines offers substantially better employment prospects than rural communities, creating powerful incentives for migration that accelerate the concentration of economic activity in already-advantaged regions.
The data suggests that Iowa's economic structure, while historically productive and stable, faces fundamental disruption from technological change, industry consolidation, and global competition. The state has not yet developed institutional capacity to manage these transitions effectively. The acceleration of layoff notices in 2025, reaching historic levels despite economic strength, indicates that this challenge will only intensify in coming years.