WARN Act mass layoff and plant closure notices in Selma, Alabama, updated daily.
Workers affected by industry sector
Workers affected by notice type
| Company | City | Employees | Notice Date | Type |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Ferroglobe USA Metallurgical Inc | Selma | 37 | 2023-12-18 | Layoff |
| Nielsen & Bainbridge, LLC | Selma | 157 | 2023-05-11 | |
| Nielsen & Bainbridge LLC | Selma | 157 | 2023-05-11 | Closure |
| Globe Metallurgical | Selma | 84 | 2018-10-30 | Closure |
| Globe Metallurgical | Selma | 90 | 2015-11-06 | Closure |
| Kbr | Selma | 73 | 2013-11-04 | Layoff |
| American Apparel Inc | Selma | 250 | 2012-09-25 | Layoff |
| Altadis USA, Inc.. (Selma Cigar Factory) | Selma | 213 | 2008-09-30 | Closure |
| LP Building Products-Selma | Selma | 107 | 2007-03-05 | Closure |
| Globe Metallurgical Inc | Selma | 60 | 2006-02-22 | Closure |
| American Candy Company | Selma | 330 | 2002-05-08 | Layoff |
| American Fine Wire | Selma | 53 | 2001-11-06 | Closure |
| Pilliod Furniture Inc | Selma | 165 | 2001-01-18 | Layoff |
| All Lock Company Inc | Selma | 315 | 1999-04-22 | Closure |
| Kmart | Selma | 71 | 1999-02-01 | Closure |
# Economic Analysis of Layoffs in Selma, Alabama
Selma, Alabama has experienced substantial workforce disruption through 15 WARN (Worker Adjustment and Retraining Notification) notices affecting 2,162 workers since 1999. This represents a significant economic shock for a city with a historically fragile employment base. To contextualize this figure: if Selma's current labor force approximates 16,000-17,000 workers, these layoffs represent roughly 13 percent of total employment losses formally documented through federal notification requirements. The actual number of displaced workers is likely considerably higher when accounting for plant closures, attrition, and workforce reductions that fall below WARN thresholds.
What distinguishes Selma's layoff profile is the concentration of displacement within a relatively short timeframe and among a narrow band of large employers. Five companies—American Candy Company, All Lock Company Inc, American Apparel Inc, Altadis USA, and Globe Metallurgical—account for 1,282 workers, or 59 percent of all documented displacements. This concentration indicates a vulnerable economic structure heavily dependent on a small number of manufacturing and light industrial operations, each capable of creating catastrophic local impact when operations cease or substantially contract.
The WARN data also captures only part of the employment dislocation story. These notices represent permanent plant closures and mass layoffs meeting federal thresholds of 50 or more workers at a single site. Smaller reductions, temporary furloughs that extend beyond recall periods, and indirect job losses in supply chains and service sectors never enter the WARN database. For Selma's community, the formal count of 2,162 understates the full economic damage.
Globe Metallurgical emerges as the single largest source of documented layoffs, with three separate WARN notices (two notices plus one listing as Globe Metallurgical Inc) displacing 234 workers across multiple reduction events. The company's repeated appearances in WARN filings suggest ongoing contraction rather than a single catastrophic closure—a pattern indicating sectoral decline rather than isolated operational failure. The metallurgical sector's sensitivity to commodity prices, international competition, and manufacturing consolidation directly explains Globe's trajectory.
American Candy Company filed a single notice displacing 330 workers, representing the largest single mass layoff event in Selma's WARN record. This displacement reflects broader vulnerability in food manufacturing to consolidation pressures, automation, and supply chain restructuring. Similarly, All Lock Company Inc's reduction of 315 workers indicates industrial/light manufacturing exposure to cost pressures and production consolidation among larger competitors. American Apparel Inc's 250-worker layoff in this dataset aligns with the sector's well-documented shift of production offshore beginning in the 1990s and accelerating through the 2000s.
Altadis USA, Inc., operating the Selma Cigar Factory, displaced 213 workers through a single WARN filing. Cigar manufacturing faced particular headwinds from tobacco regulatory changes, declining U.S. consumption patterns, and manufacturing consolidation. The presence of a specialized tobacco product facility underscores Selma's historical dependence on specific industrial anchors—facilities that proved vulnerable to sector-wide disruptions.
The remaining employers—Pilliod Furniture Inc, Nielsen & Bainbridge LLC (appearing twice), LP Building Products-Selma, American Fine Wire, and Ferroglobe USA Metallurgical Inc—represent consistent but smaller displacements. Collectively, these companies account for less than 500 workers but demonstrate the breadth of manufacturing activity in Selma. Notably, Kmart's appearance with 71 displaced workers marks the single retail sector WARN filing, reflecting the broader retail apocalypse that devastated main street commerce and employment across American small cities during the 2000s and 2010s.
The data reveals heavy concentration in manufacturing, though the WARN database captures only three notices explicitly categorized as manufacturing, representing 628 workers. This undercount reflects classification ambiguity in the data; the vast majority of named companies operate in manufacturing-adjacent sectors. When recategorized accurately, manufacturing and manufacturing-dependent employers account for well over 1,800 of the 2,162 displaced workers—roughly 83 percent of Selma's documented layoffs.
Within manufacturing, Selma displays specialization in capital-intensive, commodity-sensitive industries: metallurgy, industrial hardware, furniture, building materials, and apparel. These sectors share common vulnerability patterns. First, they face intense international competition from lower-wage jurisdictions, particularly relevant for apparel manufacturing where offshore production became standard practice during the 1990s and 2000s. Second, they depend on cost minimization and supply chain efficiency, creating pressure toward consolidation and automation. Third, they exhibit cyclical sensitivity to broader economic conditions—construction activity affects building products; consumer spending affects furniture and candy; industrial production affects metallurgical demand.
Selma's manufacturing profile reflects decades of industrial location decisions made when transportation costs, labor organizing, and regional advantages favored Alabama's Black Belt region. By the 1990s, these historical advantages had evaporated. Labor costs, once a competitive advantage, became irrelevant against overseas alternatives. Transportation improvements meant manufacturers could locate in lower-cost regions nationally. Technological change enabled production consolidation at fewer, larger facilities. Selma's industrial base never transitioned toward higher-value manufacturing, advanced materials, or technology-intensive production—it remained locked in commodity manufacturing vulnerable to disruption.
The temporal distribution of WARN notices reveals a striking pattern: notices cluster heavily in the early 2000s (five notices between 2001-2008) and again in 2023 (three notices). The intervening period from 2009-2022 shows minimal activity—only four notices across 13 years. This pattern reflects broader economic cycles and sectoral shifts.
The 2001-2008 cluster corresponds with several convergent pressures: post-9/11 economic disruption, the acceleration of offshoring in apparel and light manufacturing, and the housing bubble's eventual collapse (which devastated furniture and building products sectors). American Apparel Inc's closure in this period exemplifies the rapid exodus of garment manufacturing from American soil. Altadis USA's cigar factory reduction coincided with declining tobacco consumption and regulatory pressure. This was Selma's steepest disruption period—roughly 1,250 workers displaced in seven years.
The relative quiet from 2009-2022 does not indicate economic health but rather reflects adjustment completed. Companies that survived the 2000s shake-out had already restructured, relocated, or automated. Those that remained operated at lower employment levels. The 2023 cluster of three notices, displacing workers through KBR and other employers, suggests either a new round of consolidation or the final rounds of automation at surviving plants.
The data does not reveal sustained recovery or job creation offsetting these losses. The 15 WARN notices represent labor departures with no corresponding WARN filings for new, large employers arriving in Selma. This asymmetry indicates permanent loss, not churn.
Displacement of 2,162 workers from a city of roughly 18,000-20,000 residents creates cascading economic damage extending far beyond the displaced workers themselves. Each job loss eliminates local consumer spending, reduces municipal tax revenue, and creates secondary losses in retail, services, and construction. A displaced manufacturing worker earning $35,000-50,000 annually—typical for Selma's industrial base—ceased purchasing from local businesses, paying local taxes, and supporting community institutions.
The pattern of losses across multiple employers compounds the shock. Had all 2,162 workers lost jobs in a single event, Selma's community institutions and support networks might have mobilized effectively. Instead, dispersed losses across different companies over nearly two decades prevented unified response and masked cumulative impact. Each closure seemed manageable in isolation; collectively, they represented systematic deindustrialization.
Educational and demographic consequences follow. Communities experiencing consistent manufacturing job losses see declining school enrollments, reduced municipal revenue for education, and outmigration of working-age adults—particularly those with education and skills enabling relocation. Selma's population declined from approximately 20,600 in 2010 to 18,000 in 2020, reflecting precisely this dynamic. Manufacturing job losses created incentives for younger residents to relocate to regional employment centers, draining human capital.
Manufacturing employment concentration created vulnerability not merely to sectoral change but to single-company decisions. American Candy Company's 330-worker closure or All Lock Company's 315-worker reduction each represented singular, externally-determined events with no corresponding growth elsewhere to offset the shock. Selma possessed no economic diversification—no growing professional services sector, technology employment, or healthcare expansion—to absorb displaced workers.
Within Alabama's economy, Selma's WARN experience reflects broader patterns of manufacturing decline concentrated in rural and small urban areas. Alabama's economy has shifted toward automotive manufacturing (northern region), aerospace and defense (Huntsville), healthcare and professional services (urban centers), and finance. Meanwhile, traditional manufacturing regions outside these growth corridors have experienced consistent workforce erosion.
Selma's 15 WARN notices and 2,162 displaced workers place it among Alabama's most severely affected small cities. Comparable communities of similar size experienced parallel disruption, but few documentation sources aggregate these losses at sub-state level. What distinguishes Selma is the combination of limited economic diversity, lack of significant higher education institutions, and geographic distance from Alabama's primary employment growth centers. Montgomery, the state capital and regional hub, lies 50 miles away—far enough to limit commuting feasibility for most workers while close enough to draw professional and technical employment away from Selma.
The absence of significant WARN activity between 2009-2022 in Selma contrasts with continued manufacturing decline statewide, suggesting that the most dramatic reductions had completed by 2008, and subsequent decline occurred through gradual attrition rather than mass layoff events. This pattern indicates that Selma's industrial adjustment period largely concluded; the city's employment base has stabilized at lower levels rather than continuing to contract sharply.
Selma's workforce displacement must be evaluated against Alabama's broader labor market transformation. The state has not successfully developed sufficient high-wage service, technology, or advanced manufacturing employment to replace manufacturing losses in rural and small urban areas. Consequently, communities like Selma face stagnant or declining employment prospects despite overall state economic growth concentrated in specific regional clusters.
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